History and Stories in Ancient Egypt. Theoretical Issues and the Myth of the Eternal Return* R OBERTO B. G OZZOLI Introduction tried a description of the past, focusing to explain a rationale, or a normal cause-effect. At the best, My participation to a workshop devoted to the relation any event is completely imbued by the concept of between Event and History in ancient Egypt, allows theodicy, by which the individual is punished for not me touch two different aspects of my researches having acted favourably toward the god (Demotic into the Egyptological field. The first is certainly the Chronicle for instance, cf. below). way of dealing with history and ancient Egypt, an Any analysis of historical sources in ancient Egypt analysis of the last half century of Egyptology and faces a major problem: linear sequence of facts its relation with history. The second instead will be receives no attention in Egypt. The actors, Pharaohs an application of what has been theorised in the or officials, transfer their vision of the world in their first part, applied to my specific first millennium BC texts, which is embodied by the view of a peaceful interests. stability over the country during everlasting times. In fact, DT and nHH, both terms meaning “eternity”, in spite of the fact that some different nuances should History and ancient Egypt be implied –possibly continuity and discontinuity (Assmann 1975, 11–12; idem 1991, 39–46; Servajean As many scholars have pointed out, if we use a 2008), represent two important factors defining any modern concept of history, Egyptians and all ancient Egyptian conceptions of their own past. It is in the Near Eastern peoples did not write history at all (Van scale of time represented by eternity that ancient de Mieroop 1997, 297). In the last fifty years or so, Egyptians placed their own events: if a particular Bull (1955, 32–33) completely denied the existence of series of facts are part of it , eternity will see the same history as present in the modern Western concept, series happen sometime in the future. in spite of not denying ancient Egyptians’ interests In these conditions, a canonisation of the literary toward their own past: As Bull (1955, 33) says: “It is and historical genres is natural to happen in repeating clear, however, that the Egyptians were intensively clauses and concepts. The same use of the Middle interested in the origin of the universe, in their gods, Egyptian, a dead language also in the late second in life after death, and in making and preserving millennium BC, helped with it, as it was a canonical records of their past as a nation. Their kings carefully language for canonical texts (Loprieno 1995, 5–6). recorded what may be called the facts of public Thus the canonical representation of the reality leads history and private individuals took great pains to to stereotypes like that of the Pharaoh smiting his preserve those facts of personal history which would enemies, even when there was no war or enemy, at reflect credit upon them.” all (Hall 1986; Schoske 1994; Heinz 2001).2 The use of As matter of fact, using the modern view of stereotypes cannot be reduced to just one objective making history, there is no narrative in ancient however, as different aims were contemporaneously Egyptians’ ways to remember the deeds of their rulers, nor to write of themselves, and for this aspect, their documents are so different from ours (Van de Mieroop 1999, 79, 84).1 Going back to Egyptian historical material, no Egyptian “historical” text ever * I wish to thank Martin Fitzenreiter for his help in accommodating this paper into the workshop and for some bibliographic references, as well as Hussein el-Bassir for reading and commenting over an earlier version of this paper. I owe the responsibility for any mistakes however. 1 Collingwood (1993, 15–16) described Near Eastern historiography as a theocratic history, while the myth was a ‘quasi-history,’ using his own words. 2 For instance, Pepi II copied those of Sahure’s mortuary temple, on its turn copied by Taharqo in his Kawa temple more than fifteen centuries later (Macadam 1955, Pl. IX, 8; Morkot 2003, Figs 5:1–5:3). IBAES X • Das Ereignis 103 present, but at a certain point the result leads to annals referring to single pharaohs are also known.6 very similar conclusions. Just dealing with instances Apart from the specific instance of the Royal Canon coming from my own field of specialisation, the first of Turin, king lists in private and royal contexts and millennium BC, Shabaqo’s Stone is surprising for its carved on monuments have a cultic intention has archaising taste, in this context not being important to be seen. The king list tradition has become the whether it is an original Nubian creation or simply established framework for any historical book on a reprisal of a more ancient document (Junge 1973; the argument, but even in it a sort of ‘cleaning up’ of Gozzoli 2006, 236–239). Slightly more than a century the past is present, and the damnationes memoriae later, Apries’ decree from Memphis is nothing more of Hatshepsut and Amarna pharaohs during the than an update of a Sixth Dynasty one (Gozzoli Ramesside period gives a glimpse of it. If a concept 2006, 104).3 Therefore, the conjunction of Maat and of chronicle really existed in Egypt is problematical eternity implies that the Egyptian view of their own to say it now. Verner (1975, 46) hypothesised their past cannot be anything else than repetitive. existence since the New Kingdom, being the source Recollection of their past was a feature going on of Manetho’s work. The only text named Chronicle, in ancient Egypt for a long time. At the end of the the Demotic one (Johnson 1974; 1983; 1984; Johnson Old Kingdom, the mythological conception of the and Ritner 1990; Felber 2002), is the opposite of a real Pharaoh as god in earth suddenly collapsed (Posener chronicle, is a partisan view of the late dynasties in 1956).4 Egypt. Fronted to the fact of being homines novi, the Twelfth Dynasty found the way of doing that making The private autobiographies (Gnirs 1996; Kloth a revision of their past, and therefore king-lists and 2002; Baud 2003; idem 2005; Frood 2007; Heise 2007), folktales became the way to do such a recollection. in a smaller scale, can be considered ‘monumental’, This development became more impressive at the coming from tombs and temples, so a codification times of the New Kingdom: Redford has pointed out is latent in them. Filled by codes as they are, are as Eighteenth Dynasty Pharaohs referred themselves interesting as reconstruction of a ‘history from to the glorious Twelfth Dynasty, creating a bridge (upper) below’ (Redford 2003a, 3). All these sources between these two periods (Redford 1986, 170). And represent the usual first hand documents in order to the Ramesside connections with the past brought write a first hand history. to the interest about king-lists, and presumably to There is also Manetho. His historical work is the same archaeological interest as demonstrated still fundamental for any kind of reconstruction of by prince Khaemwase (Assmann 1985, 42–43; idem Egyptian history, as it was at Champollion’s times 1991, 305–308; Eyre 1996, 423; Aufrère 1998, 16–25). in 1820s as well as it is at the present. As I have Ancient Egyptians did not define their different shown elsewhere however (Gozzoli 2006, 191–225), genres of historical inscriptions; the only ones are Manetho’s work was obviously biased, and some of the gnwt, the Annals (Redford 1984; idem 1986, 87– his information was also not entirely correct. Without 89). The only examples we have are the lacerti blaming the priest of Sebennytos’ lack of historical recollected under the name of the Palermo Stone, objectivity, however his work should be considered which are administrative in its contents.5 Partial as fruit of his own period, and to be seen in such perspective (Murnane 2003) 3 For a discussion of the archaism: Der Manuelian (1994, xxxviii). Neureiter (1994) has interesting passages, but fails to convince me. 4 As Assmann (1995, 201) has noted: ‘Der erste Grundsatz der ägyptischen Anthropologie besagt: Der Mensch kann ohne Ma’at nicht leben. […] Der zweite Grundsatz lautet: Der Mensch kann ohne Staat nicht leben.’ The italic is of Assmann himself. Being Maat and kingship one and only concept, the falling of the latter also means a decadence of the former. 5 The main bibliography can be found in von Beckerath (1997, 13 nn. 25–28) to which Wilkinson (2000) should be added. About the administrative nature of them, see Baines (1989, 133). 104 Gozzoli • History and Stories 6 For Sesostris I’s (Redford 1987; Barbotin and Clère 1991; Postel and Régen 2005), Amenemhet II’s of the Middle Kingdom (Altenmüller and Moussa 1981; Malek and Quirke 1992; Obsomer 1995, 595–607), Thutmose III’s of the New Kingdom (Grapow 1947; Redford 1979a; Redford 2003b; Grimal 2003; Cline and O’Connor 2006), and Pamy’s of the Libyan Period (Bickel, Gabolde and Tallet 1998). Modern event-based histories and “new” evolutions Whatever may be the case, and accepting it as date of fact, any ancient Egyptian text has to deal with a major issue, which is under the name of propaganda. This Limiting myself to post Second World War books, concept and its presence in Egyptology have been Gardiner (1961), Drioton and Vandier (1962), discussed a few times in a quite distant past (Williams Helck (1968), Grimal (1994), Vercoutter (1992) and 1964; Lloyd 1982b, 3–35; Bleiberg 1985/1986), as Vandersleyen (1995) can be called the handbooks well as in more recent times (Popko 2006, 113–116). history.7 of ancient Egyptian We easily see that Propaganda recalls negative images, as expressions these books belong to a certain kind of tradition, and phraseologies that distort the reality to their which I can label as “philological”, in spite of the own consumption, therefore separating narrative fact such a term is not entirely appropriate for all from real events. But propaganda in such a way those books.8 In them, the reconstruction of each never existed in ancient Egypt, as texts had particular event is strictly based over a translation in modern functions and role (e.g. love between god and languages of facts already described in those texts Pharaoh, legitimacy, maintenance or restoration dated to the specific Pharaoh under study. The of order, fighting against a ‘vile’ enemy). Within event history (histoire événementielle) as is known these functions, certain clauses and formulae were (Redford 2003a, 2) still has its power. As pointed out used, and with a rigid dependence between each by Valbelle (2003, 20), those handbooks are heavily other.9 Those clauses and formulae were strictly influenced by publishers’ policies, who feel that dependent over the function of a text, not over the an over conceptualised book should be too much representation of the event itself. As the concept of overwhelming for the normal reader! ritualistic aspect was so important in ancient Egypt, The fact that a non specialised reader might be unused to reading a “difficult” text, if theoretically conceptualised, seems to ignore that any book has to be contemporarily reader-friendly as well as informative and enriching reader’s culture. the western concept of historical reality was certainly very loose. But the main question still hangs around: what can be done with ancient Egyptian historical texts? What I propose here is considering Egyptology within Humanities’ theoretical background of the 7 My list is devoted to those books used as reference books. The ponderous third edition of the Cambridge Ancient History, not yet completely published, suffered for the long delays in the completion of the volumes, as well as the lack of a view of historiographical problems. The book by Shaw (2000) is difficult to be considered. It is not really clear the reader the book should address to. A simple undergraduate student or a general layman is not able to appreciate the references present in each essay, as the book requires knowledge of ancient Egyptian history. But a graduate student or a professional Egyptologist may consider those essays as too much general and lacking any in depth analysis, see for this deficiency also the remarks by Spencer in: Hart, Spencer, Jeffreys, et al. (2001, 42). Moreover, the fact that the book is substantially without any reference –and the final reference list does not really help in that- is quite irritating, as it does not permit to understand how many theories are fruit of each author’s mind and how much is due to earlier scholarship. 8 Gardiner (1961, vii) in the preface to his history, expressly declares: ‘Like Neneferkaptah in the demotic story my ambition was to read the hieroglyphic inscriptions and to capture the actual words of the ancient people. […] And so it has come about that my present book has been written from an avowedly philological point of view’. Redford (1979b, 5) is very critical that writing Egyptian history should wait for the complete publication of every text. last 60 years. Many historiographical schools have been born and grown up in the humanities in the last hundred years. Annales school, Marxism, New Cultural History and microhistory as its subgroup and New Historicism are the main branches, from which smaller ones developed.10 Those schools may 9 Baines (1996, 343, 347) clearly notes that using the term propaganda for Thutmose III’s Annals and royal inscriptions in general does not make any sense (Kemp 1978, 8). As many inscriptions are located in places only permitted to high level temple personnel and inscribed in wall sectors high above the ground, both limitations make them impossible to be seen and read by the large audiences. Level of literacy in ancient Egypt was very low anyway (Baines 1983; 1990; Baines and Eyre 1983; Eyre 1990, 138). For the case of the reliefs of Sethi I and Ramesses II from Luxor, the immediate audiences of those reliefs were of two kinds: the members of the elites who were actually involved with the execution of those reliefs and the gods themselves (Baines 1996, 350– 351). In his field of study, Van De Mieroop (1997, 296) notes that there is no attention to a future reader by the literates writing the inscription, so even the concept of propaganda has to be better defined. 10 See Breisach (1994, 327–410) and Marwick (2001, 88–149), for a general overview. The work by Bloch (1992) remains IBAES X • Das Ereignis 105 have not played any major role in Egyptology, but it of their times (Van de Mieroop 1999, 152). In this was not the same in the ancient Near East. sense Marwick opens up two questions whenever During 1970s and 1980s the Proppian structur- a primary source is studied (Marwick 2001, 181–82): alism and the Marxist view of history made their “How did the source come into existence in the first entering in the modern research of Fertile Crescent place, and for what purpose? What person, or group (Badali, Carlotti, Liverani, et al. 1982, 15–17).11 The of persons, created the source? What basic attitudes, Italian - Roman - school of Assyriology has been in prejudices, vested interests would he, she or they be fact one of the main promoters of new approaches to likely to have? Who was it written for or addressed ancient Near East (Liverani 1973; idem 1993a; idem to?” and the other question: “How exactly was the 1993b). I consider Marxism in history as a not fertile document understood by contemporaries? What, ground for Egyptology anymore, at least a work has precisely, does it say?”. come out from it (Barocas 1978), but the theories But similar questions have been posed by Hume by Propp could still find use in Egyptology, (cf. (1999, 37), forming the theoretical basis of my earlier Spalinger 2006, 123–136). Analysis and ideas have work (Gozzoli 2006, 11). to be changing factors in a changing society, even in a scholarly restricted world as Egyptology.12 As noted by Liverani: “The influence of ideology on the narrative is known. Great part of this book What I propose here is just one of the possible has been devoted to this genre of influence, in the readings of Egyptian material, and possibly even conviction too often we forget words mean con- not the most innovative. Using Saussurian methods cepts and not things, and “historical” accounts and terminology, the first step is to understand the reproduce relation between signifiers (words) and signifieds happened. […] The account of a battle is a cultural (concepts), despite the arbitrariness in their use, product, but first before it, army disposition and helping to find the ‘hidden’ meanings of the texts tactics are cultural products, modelled following “mental representations” of what (McCullagh 1998; Allen 2000, 8–10; Van de Mieroop the ideal values of the time. The battle gets to be 1999, 56). By hidden, I mean the reasons which a text represented at first as following the ideological was written for, set in a determinate literary code model, and then narrated as following the model and in a specific literary genre. It is the knowledge of itself. […] The deep understanding of the importance the context, and gives origin to a cultural history, as of ideology on the historical events should generate people represent their world (McCullagh 1998, 156– a new “reading” of the political history. […] The 157). If I am able to analyse a text throughout the explicit result (i.e. of this book) is the definition of complexities of the various textual features, each the political ideologies, but the implicit one is the inscription becomes a sign of the reality as expressed systematic re-reading of the political history of that by a specific historical and cultural entity within a time. […] More in general, this is a solicitation for defined span of time. At this point, the path can be a different evaluation of political history. Economic followed: the study of the texts as historical artefacts and social history has already established the level themselves, full of ideologies and abstractions proper of the single episodes cannot be correctly understood without reconstructing the general structures fundamental for the early developments of the Annales school. See Glassner (2003) for a collection of them. The New Cultural History has Clifford Geertz and his ‘Thick Description’ as founder (Geertz 1973) and the works collected in Hunt (1989). See Schmitz (2007, 157-75), also referring to Greenblatt and the University of California at Berkeley experience. For Cultural History in general, I refer to Burke (1997; 2006). For Historicism and New Historicism, I refer to Hamilton (1996) and Hume (1999). 11 For a useful introduction about Propp and his Morphology of the Folktale in Hebrew studies see Milne (1988, 67–122). Instead, for the eclipse of the Marxist ideology, see Diakonoff (1999, 3). 12 See the critics of Redford (2008, 25) on the lack of theories in modern books of ancient Egyptian history. 106 Gozzoli • History and Stories in the background. Instead, political history has been a free field for the histoire événementielle, as a non structured and no systematic sequence of events. Even battles and treaties have their own structures, and the correct understanding of each political event cannot renounce to a structural grid of reference and a precise methodological analysis” (Liverani 1994, 271–273), (the translation is mine). Hoffmeier (1992, 296), one of Redford’s former students, addressed the problem in such words: “If we approach an Egyptian text in such a manner, understanding the genre, why and for whom it was written, one can use texts as sources for reconstruct- Due to the existence of those patterns, a study ing Egyptian history even if a specific historiographic of ancient Egyptian historical material for a genre was not developed by Egyptian scribes”.13 reconstruction of Egyptian history has to go over many the specific text: grouping a few texts of the same times the need to create historiography sounded reign is the preliminary process, and from this stage, Egyptologists. an analysis of the single features is needed in order And Redford himself has repeated The past is a foreign country, paraphrasing a to find specificities and trends present in them. scholarly book (Lowenthal 1985), on its turn going In effects as explicitly defined in the appendix, back to L. Hartley’s The Go-Between. There is no an evolution in literary theory - or the application of escape from it. As a philological approach to the a theory already existing - for Egyptian civilization inscriptions has been the main stream until the can lead to understand the interrelations between present times, now a more balanced vision can be genre, historical events and textual features, giving searched; the texts are representation of the reality a comprehensive overview of the strategies present through their rigidly schematic contents. This kind inside the documents themselves.15 of research can be used throughout all the millenary history of Egypt, being this culture filled by written documents. Psammetichus I and the eternal return Mentioning the Middle Kingdom figure of Sinuhe, Loprieno (1996, 52–53) points out as the adventures Having introduced a theory, I will now apply it to of the courtier are an example of the bureaucratic Psammetichus I and his legend. Psammetichus I was class of the Middle Kingdom, divided between a the founder of the Twenty-sixth Dynasty, and the loyalty to the state and a cultural emancipation. But stela of Nitocris, set up at Karnak was issued at the examples could be legions. time of Psammetichus I’s established control over For Sinuhe, as well as Westcar papyrus, Famine stela and many other similar texts, the historical fact Upper Egypt (Caminos 1964; Manuelian 1994, 297321; Perdu 2002, 17-26; Gozzoli, 2006, 87-92). cannot be searched or questioned; it is something Among external sources, Herodotus in particular intertwined with fiction. Extracting data from pseudo is the one giving significant information. As Hero- histories is a dangerous and difficult task, if not dotus is introduced to the Labyrinth, the twelve otherwise proven by facts, and the later Bentresh and Famine stelae, classified as ‘pseudo epigraphs’, are really historical fakes (Gozzoli 2006, 240–261). But the knowledge of the context during which the text was composed permits to explore the beliefs of different groups as narrated in the inscriptions they produce, within the general organisation named society. As Morris (1999, 11) has pointed out, ‘cultural history is about divisions and conflicts as much as agreements and shared understandings’. It is a perception of a dead reality from inside. Of course, ancient societies did not have the same development of literacy as we have in the modern world, and the vision that we perceive is that of a small elite.14 13 The same thing has been reiterated later on. An article by Piccato (1997; idem 1998), partially in reply to an earlier paper by Derchain (1992) relative to the date of the Berlin Leather Roll, discusses the existence of an Egyptian sense of history. 14 The only real danger I see in this approach is that a scholar could see only he wants to see, and for this an accurate analysis of the texts has to be the first and main step. As said by Lloyd (1982a, 167): “The detection of attitudes, as distinct from acts, is a more delicate, though often more fruitful pursuit, and depends upon the cultivation of a finely tuned awareness of the fundamental semantic structure of the text as revealed in formulae, vocabulary, and the choice and interrelationship of stereotypes”. 15 Lloyd (1982a, 167) points out about the total dependence of the texts to conceptual stereotypes and the need of the modern historian to separate the two elements. As Redford (2003b, 19–20) says relatively to the royal inscriptions: “But is the role, because it is stereotypical, to be rejected by historians for its failure to convey specifics in an individual instance? Does it correspond to reality, or is it a heavenly mask rather than a terrestrial record? It is perhaps not as clear-cut as these questions imply: the conjuring of the ideal may well be occasioned by the event. Only an independent source, or a concerned thrust in circumstantial evidence, can decide the issue. All sources, of course, for us modern at least, fall under the heading propaganda, i.e. that which is to be propogated [sic] in support of the dissemination, or continued validation, of an ideology: and all, no matter which society or culture is involved, will originate with the privileged elite and display their bias. In a sense this defines, rather than complicates the historian’s task: a form/critical approach is a sine qua non”. IBAES X • Das Ereignis 107 rooms are explained through the story of the refer to Lloyd’s commentary about it.18 The escape Dodecarchy, a partition of Egypt between twelve to the marshes was quite a big topic in the Egyptian indigenous rulers (II, 147-149). literature and myth: the Delta and its slow waters Moreover, Herodotus’ informers told him the were a place where anyone fleeing from established oracle, which said that the one drinking from a bronze order escaped. Just reminding a major historical cup in the Ephestus temple will be fated to be sole event, it was in the Delta Ramesses III fought the Sea king of Egypt. The story is completely aetiological Peoples, making of the occasion one of the major and derivative from the etymology of the name events of his reign. From a mythological point of Psammetichus “the one of the mtk-cup” or “the one view, Isis gave birth to her son Horus at Chemmis, an of the mixed wine”, cf. Quaegebeur (1990, 259). unidentified place in the Delta. It is fair to say that for Forgetting for the moment about the etymological Anysis as well as Psammetichus (Servajean 2001), connection, in the way Herodotus puts the account their escape to the Delta is used by the fifth century relative to Psammetichus, the fact that the soon-to- BC priests in order to evoke such a mythological be-ruler drinks from his helmet is considered as an connection. Such connection is not accidental, as inappropriate - but fully out of malice - error, which Herodotus II, 137 remarks that the island used by an unforgettable prince Psammetichus has done. Anysis for his refuge was later rediscovered by Having fully considered the accidental nature of his actions, the other Dodecarchs rightly decided to Amyrtaeus at the time of his rebellion against the Persians . avoid the death penalty, which was the punishment That Herodotus was not able to fully comprehend of such an action, and more humanly sensible, the mythological connection present in it does not issued that Psammetichus should be secluded in eliminate its presence in any case. In any case, the marshes. Psammetichus’ exile however is the Herodotus brings together two recurring elements beginnings of the Dodecarchs’ demise, as Herodotus’ of Egyptian literature and history: the two leaders informers took pain to note. Buto’s oracle announced of the unfortunate Egyptian rebellions under the the coming of men of bronze (152, 3), who by chance Persians. Both Inaros and Amyrtaeus took refuge were the Greek mercenaries who made the Saite in the marshes in order to escape the preponderant army for the whole dynasty. Persian armies, and at least for the latter, fighting to The episode lets Herodotus and his informers his death.19 say that Psammetichus had already left Egypt once This sort of unspecified divine punishment before (II 152, 1), in occasion of Sabaco’s rule over parallels both characters, and such feature may be Egypt, as the Ethiopian Sabaco (read Tantamani) not entirely casual. Anysis returns, Bocchoris seems had killed his father Necho.16 to disappear forever, but in the Oracle announces The specific episode in Herodotus finds a histori- the coming of a saviour, which is part of his own cal confirm from Assyrian sources, which mention dynasty. The main section is quite fragmentary, but the Egyptian prince Nabu-Shezibanni as taking can still be read: “He is the one of the Two (years), refuge in Assyria, once his father Necho (I) fell who is not ours, (he is) the one of the fifty-five years, fighting against the Nubian army led by Tantamani.17 who is ours” (II, 5). I believe that Anysis himself is in Herodotus II, 137, the blind Anysis - an unidentified not a historical figure, but he can be considered as ruler, possible assemblage of various historical a personification of the House of Sais itself, as the pharaohs - took refuge in the marshes in order family was able to come back and reunite Egypt. not to fall into Sabaco’s hands. As the blindness is usually dictated by something the man does against the deity, the reasons of Anysis’ blindness are passed under silence. In this occasion I may jus 16 As noted by many scholars, Herodotus’ Sabaco groups any Nubian king between Shabaqo and Tantamani. 17 See Onasch (1994, 120–121) for the Assyrian Prism A, 17, where the prince Nabu-Shezibanni is mentioned. 108 Gozzoli • History and Stories 18 See Lloyd (1988, 91–92). Opening a parenthesis, following Herodotus’ chronology, Anysis and Psammetichus should be contemporary. The name itself does not recall any of the royal names known for the Twenty-third and Twenty-fourth Dynasties. 19 For the list of the events and historical sources, I refer to Lloyd (1975, 43–49) and Kahn (2008). See also Chauveau (2004) for an ostrakon from Ayn Manawir, mentioning Inaros, with corrections in Winnicki (2006). The Oracle of the Potter and the -Oracle of the Lamb royal family can be considered as a sort of date are pseudo-historical accounts, written between the of fact, the reference to the king coming back has last couple of centuries of the Ptolemaic domination also a very important reference to Egyptian dynastic Empire.20 history. Thus, it is possible to see that the Saite royal The Typhonians are said to kill themselves as well as family was centre of a political propaganda, which acting against the god (P³, 26-27=P², 13-14). P², 16-20, appears on documents since the beginnings of the integrated with P³, 32-33, has the quotation from the fifth century BC (Herodotus), less than forty years Oracle of the Lamb: “And the one who will be hateful from the fall of the Saite dynasty itself. In this case, to all men [and abominable] [will c]ome down out the name Psammetichus as reference to the first of of Syria. And also from Eth[i]opia [another one who the line, as well as symbol of the entire dynasty needs is] himself from the holy ones will [come d]o[wn …] to be considered. In facts, the name Psammetichus to Egypt. And he will set[tle in the city which] later was used by Egyptian rebellious leaders during the will be made desolate. And the one (ruling) for two fifth century BC. Ostraka from Ayn Manawir make years was [not o]urs […] and <the lamb spoke well”. us know a Psammetichus who ruled after Darius I, P³, 32-33: “But the one (ruling) for fifty-five years and now identified with Amyrtaeus, the only king of because he is ours, will bring to the Greeks the evils the Twenty-eighth Dynasty.22 And for Psammetichus which the lamb announced to Bacharis”, translation IV, possibly Inaros’ father, I refer to Cruz-Uribe’s after Kerkeslager (1998, 74). and Pestman’s studies (Cruz-Uribe 1980; Pestman and the first two centuries of the Roman In both texts the mention of a period of two kings, ruling contemporaneously over Egypt. 1984).23 Otherwise, as the king is the guarantor of the divine wellbeing, the end of his rule is sealed. Various conclusions have been attempted for, As this workshop is about events, the main and it has been considered the reference to this 55 question might really be where the event actually year long reign as a reference to Ptolemy Epiphanes’ is. length of reign, with the indigenous king able to rule From a historical point of view, the amount of longer than him. Following Meyer however, I agree material relative to Psammetichus as real historical here that it is a reference to Psammetichus I, who figure and information about his deeds is certainly ruled for 54 years, and Tanutamani, the one who minimal. Nothing can be really extracted from ruled for only 2 years (Meyer 1994, 292-96; idem Herodotus’ sources, apart a generic statement that 1997, 179, 195).21 Psammetichus ruled in contemporary with other The Ptolemaic connections cannot be denied, but Egyptian rulers, and slowly was able to subdue them if the reference to Psammetichus (I) and the Saite to a central power, with the annexation of Thebes and the South in the year 8th of his reign, as testified by 20 For the Oracle of the Lamb, it is known from a copy held in the Papyrological Collection of the in Österreichischen Nationallibibliothek, Vienna (D. 1000), published by Zauzich (1983); Thissen (1998); Thissen (2002). The return of the order with the new king will be 900 years after the disgraces started. This span of time should be considered as fully symbolic. For the Oracle of the Potter, the most ancient copy is the Papyrus Graf G. 29787 (=P¹), from Soknopaios Nesos, second century AD, see Koenen (2002), as the most recent publication of the text. 21 Thus, a prophecy ex-eventu is referred here, like the Prophecy of Neferty, but the idea goes back to Zauzich (1983, 170 n. 18), as Assmann (2002, 383 n. 2), who thought that the figures referred to Necho (I) and Psammetichus I. Koenen (1984, 11) rejects this interpretation and for him the 2-year reign may refer to some short reign of the TwentyNinth Dynasty Pharaohs. He opposes the identification of Psammetichus I with the ruler of fifty-five years on the basis that the quotation seems to apply to a negative situation. For Koenen, the saviour king has to rule one year more than Ptolemy VIII, who ruled for fifty-four years. the Nitocris stela. Searching for the event, and if I follow an event based approach will dismiss the set of information given here as folklore. As the very same information can be used as giving glimpses of the feelings of the period comprising the last five centuries of the first millennium BC, and beyond, can be said, the amount of information is essentially different. Psammetichus and the Saite royal family assumed in the collective imagery the importance 22 The ostraka are dated to years 5 and 6, see Chauveau (1996, 44–47); idem. 2003, 39). 23 The return motif appears also in the Nectanebo legend, as it can be seen in Ryholt (1998; 2002), as well as the Lepers story in Manetho, with reference to the Amarna Period and the two fundamental studies by Assmann (1997a; 1997b, 23– 42). IBAES X • Das Ereignis 109 and relevance of the last indigenous dynasty, the simulacrum we can from such ‘traces’ as remain” last one able to defeat foreign armies and keep Egypt (Hume 1999, 1–2). altogether. The saviour of Egypt was Psammetichus, 2) “Three things made New Historicism of the 1980s this is certainly clear. From a political point of view, different (i.e. from the earlier Historicism), at least in this is demonstrated from the different texts and the eyes of members of the club: (1) The belief that no names presented. period is intellectually monolithic, and that ‘tensions’ different should be sought; (2) the admission that no historical perspectives. First of all, the evil in Egypt can come scholar can be wholly impartial; all the investigators only whether royal evil actions are made, which are influenced by their own backgrounds and make the king lose the gods’ favours, and make the circumstances; (3) particular attention to ‘power’ as a king lose his own status. motivating and explanatory force” (Hume 1999, 5). The texts however present two This appears in Herodotus, for Cambyses’ mad- 3) “Archaeo-Historicism, as I conceive it, is devoted ness as the major example. And Psammetichus to the reconstruction of historical events and III’s bad temper against his ambassador defines his viewpoint from primary materials. Possessed of fate. such a reconstruction, one can attempt to read And for the later Lamb and Potter, bad times are poems, plays, novels, operas, or paintings in the the cause of the problems, and why the gods leave light of authorial viewpoint and the assumptions, Egypt. Whether the abandonment theme was just knowledge, and expectations of the original audience. introduced in the later literature may be possible, More broadly, one can attempt to understand the but such theme surely goes back as far as Herodotus’ lives, choices, failures, and intellectual assumptions account, as it can be possibly seen already with of the artists” (Hume 1999, 10–11). Psammetichus III. 4) “As I conceive the enterprise, Archaeo-Historicism As I wanted just to give a Late Period example, my own speciality, I may even end up here. comprises both the reconstruction of context and the interpretations of texts within the context thus A very conclusive note is needed: I am perfectly assembled. The object, however, is not to pretend willingly to accept that methodologies applied in that we are (say) seventeenth-century readers, which other field of humanities and beyond may be used would be both fallacious and silly. [...] One reads in Egyptology with some difficulty. the culture of the past with attention to its original I accepted such gaps in any case, as my research integrity for much the reason that one troubles to was experimental as it could be. As reiterated a few understand fellow human beings in the present: not times, my aims were the application of theories to to do so leaves you trapped in your own mindset” ancient Egyptian historical texts. (Hume 1999, 26). The participation to this workshop, as virtual it 5) “The second point about method is that the might be, it serves to press that a workshop in approach has to be ‘bottom up’ rather than ‘top Egyptian history may come to existence and work down’. By this I mean that one starts with a method for modern approaches to those ancient texts. -Archaeo-Historicism- one approaches a subject with Chronological studies, monographs over single no prior commitment to any theory by which the Pharaohs can coexist together with other kind of primary material is to be organized and explained. approaches. I hope that this workshop will be fruitful [...] He or she aims to reconstruct the viewpoint of toward new adventures in dealing with ancient the time, and must attempt to do so in whatever Egyptian historical texts. terms the original inhabitants thought and worked” (Hume 1999, 29). 6) “The textual interpretative part of Archaeo- Appendix: Hume’s theoretical approach Historicism occurs when we attempt to alter our understanding of a particular text by reading 1) “The primary object of Archeo-Historicism is it in the light of context. Such an enterprise to reconstruct historical contexts. I might more presupposes a close reading of the text itself […] properly say ‘construct’ rather than ‘reconstruct’ To bring text and context together we must ask because the past is gone: we are building the best questions - and they are our questions. For example: 110 Gozzoli • History and Stories Why did the author write what he or she wrote? What audience(s) did the author address? 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