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Rick J. Schulting • Non-monumental burial in Britain 1 Non-monumental burial in Britain : a (largely) cavernous view By Rick J. Schulting Schlagwörter : Großbritannien / Nordirland – Sonderbestattungen – Grabbauten – Kontinuität / Diskontinuität – Sozialordnung – Anthropologie – Radiokarbondatierung – Ernährung – Alt- / Frühneolithikum – stabile Isotopen Keywords : Great Britain / Northern Ireland – unusual burials – grave-architecture – continuity / discontinuity – social structure – anthropology –radiocarbon dating– nutrition – early Neolithic – stable isotopes Mots-clés : Grande-Bretagne / Irlande du Nord – sépultures spéciales – monuments funéraires – continuité / discontinuité – ordre social – anthropologie – datation par le radiocarbone – alimentation – Néolithique Ancien – isotopes stables Introduction Archaeological investigations of mortuary practices in the earlier Neolithic (– cal BC) of Britain have long been dominated by monuments, whether earthen long barrows, megalithic chambered tombs of various forms, or, to a certain extent, causewayed enclosures. For a number of reasons, this is hardly surprising. These sites are prominent on the landscape, and, for better or worse, have had a long history of investigation. They have in addition played central roles in all the main theoretical developments of the last century, from culture historical concerns with origins , to issues of territoriality and labour investment associated with processual archaeology , to the ideological emphasis of post-processual approaches . They have equally been at the heart of recent inquiries into the importance of colour and sound . Yet there is increasing evidence for nonmonumental forms of burial in the British Neolithic, raising a series of questions regarding the interpretation of these different mortuary practices. This paper summarises the range of mortuary locations, and offers some initial observations and comments regarding their possible significance. Caves, in particular, are identified as important alternative burial places. 1 2 E. g. C 1973 ; D 1958. C 1981 ; R 1973 ; 1976. Berichte der RGK ,  3 4 S / T 1982. J 1999 ; W / K 2000. 2 Innovation and Continuity – Non-Megalithic Mortuary Practices in the Baltic Placing the dead Monu ment s The vast majority of known British neolithic human skeletal remains derive from long barrows and chambered tombs. In common with a number of other regions of predominantly western Europe where similar monuments were in use, most of the remains are found in a disarticulated, jumbled, and often very partial state. While they may be characterised as collective burials, the number of individuals in a given monument varies widely, from as many as  to  in the case of the large chambered tombs of Orkney, such as Quanterness and Isbister , to as few as one (or even none, begging the question of the appropriateness of the term ‘mortuary’ monument). Fussell’s Lodge has yielded the greatest number of individuals in southern Britain, some –, though again many of these are only very partially represented . More typical are numbers in the region of five to , though these figures rely in part on older excavations and reports of dubious reliability . Adults of both sexes and children of all ages are represented, though not necessarily in the proportions expected for a living population. In addition, less monumental mortuary enclosures, defined by a D-shaped or rectangular ditch, have yielded human remains. One of the best known of these is Barrow Hills, Oxfordshire, where a linear mortuary enclosure contained an articulated male skeleton and two disarticulated females . This mirrors a wider pattern, in that articulated remains in long barrows are approximately three times more likely to be adult male than female , though the significance of this is unclear, particularly if it is accepted that the articulated burials are simply the most recent to be interred in a multi-stage funerary programme. This may simply reflect, then, the overall greater representation of males in long barrows and chambered tombs ; of course this is itself also of interest, but is again problematic because of the variable reliability of sex estimates in the literature. D-shaped mortuary enclosures seem to be in some instances associated with cursus monuments, which themselves sometimes also contain burials or fragmentary human skeletal elements in pits or the ditches themselves, such as seen at Dorchester and Drayton, Oxfordshire . Causewayed enclosures provide another monumental context in which substantial numbers of human remains can occur, though this is the exception rather than the rule. Foremost is the main enclosure at Hambledon Hill, Dorset. While McKinley’s recent re-analysis of this material has considerably reduced the previously published estimates, extrapolating from the remains of some  individuals in the excavated  % of the main enclosure still provides a total of c.  for the entire enclosure . As with the collective deposits that dominate mortuary monuments, these are fragmentary and scattered remains. Indeed, bodies may have originally been left exposed within the enclosure, slowly decomposing and becoming incorporated into the ditch fills over time. Mercer has memorably characterised the site as ‘a vast, reeking open cemetery, its silence broken only by the din of crows and ravens’ . This vision is strengthened by the high proportion of human bones showing weathering, which is conversely far less apparent on the faunal remains from the site. There is also evidence for more active disarticulation in the form of cutmarks on  human bones . 5 6 7 8 H 1983 ; R 1979 ; R 1988 ; though because of the way in which these figures were calculated, by context, they may be exaggerated (L 2006). A et al. 1979. A 1966. Cf. D 2004, 145 ; K 1975 ; 1992. 9 10 11 12 13 14 B / H 1997. T 1984 ; 1996. B / C 1988 ; B / H 1984. MK forthcoming ; M 1980 ; 1988. M 1980, 63. MK forthcoming. Rick J. Schulting • Non-monumental burial in Britain 3 While not on anywhere near this scale, human remains have also been encountered at other causewayed enclosures : indeed, most enclosures that have seen extensive excavation have yielded human bone . This often takes the form of deliberately placed deposits, and particularly crania on the ditch bottoms, a practice seen at Etton and Haddenham, both in Cambridgeshire, as well as at Hambledon Hill . At Staines, Middlesex, an adult male skull together with the first three cervical vertebrae was placed into a ditch segment, indicating the deposition of a fleshed head , and this also appears to have been a practice at Hambledon Hill . In addition to the more usual isolated bone finds, a complete articulated burial was found under the outer bank at Windmill Hill . At Maiden Castle, the complete skeleton of a  –  year old child was found in the inner ditch circuit, while the outer ditch contained a deposit comprising the poorly preserved and partial remains of at least three individuals, an adult and two children. The proportionally greater representation of children relative to many long barrows and chambered tombs appears to be a recurrent feature of causewayed enclosures . F l at g r ave s a nd i s ol ate d f i nd s In contrast to the Neolithic of much of Continental Europe, including Ostorf (Fn  : genaue Angabe fehlt ursprgl. “this volume” , flat inhumation cemeteries are not a common feature of the British and Irish Neolithic. There are, however, indications of a small number of apparently isolated inhumation burials (though the nature of their discovery – whether through antiquarian explorations or incidentally during building works, coastal erosion, or excavation of later period sites – means that their ‘isolated’ character is often assumed rather than demonstrated). These can only be attributed to the Neolithic if associated with diagnostic material culture (pottery or worked stone), or directly C dated. Thus their occurrence is likely to be underrepresented. Barrow Hills, mentioned above, is also important for the presence of three neolithic flat graves found some  m east of the Abingdon causewayed enclosure : additional burials may be present in the unexcavated surrounding area, and so the site could present an example of a flat grave ‘cemetery’, though this is by no means certain. Direct dating has also been used in the case of an articulated adult female skeleton lacking any artefactual associations found during building works at Prestatyn, North Wales, with a result of – cal BC . Two flat graves, an adult female and a child, lacking diagnostic grave goods were found during large-scale excavations at Eton Rowing Course, Buckinghamshire, and directly dated to the late fourth millennium BC ; a third grave, of an adult male, was dated by the presence of Early Neolithic pottery . The disarticulated remains of an adult male found eroding out of the foreshore at Hartlepool Bay, Durham, have been dated to the Neolithic  ; this may have originally been a ‘bog burial’, another example of which comes from Stoneyisland, Co. Galway, Ireland . Other examples of flat graves have been dated by association with earlier neolithic pottery. One of the more intriguing examples is Handley Hill, Dorset, where a partially disarticulated skeleton was found in a pit with cattle bones and two plain neolithic bowls. A post-hole identified in the pit suggests that the grave was marked in some way, and this is relevant to discussions of the 15 16 17 18 19 20 T 1984. E 1988 ; E / H 2006 ; M 1988 ; M / H forthcoming ; P 1998. S / W 2005. MK forthcoming. W 1990 M 1988 ; S 1965 ; T 1984 ; 1996. Berichte der RGK ,  21 22 23 24 25 26 27 AUTOR ? ? ? ? ? 2007, … . B / H 1997. S / G 2008. A et al. 2000 ; 2004. T 1978. B / L 1995 ; S 1931. P 1936 ; P-R 1898. 4 Innovation and Continuity – Non-Megalithic Mortuary Practices in the Baltic possibility of secondary burial in mortuary monuments . Pottery has similarly been used to date an adult male and a female burial, in pits at Nethercourt Farm, Kent, and Pangbourne, Berkshire, respectively , while a closely associated leaf-shaped projectile point assigns the well-known multiple burial at Fengate to this period . Here again, it is the single adult male that is articulated, whereas an adult female, a child and an infant are at least partly disarticulated. Further examples are provided in Kinnes . A more problematic means of neolithic attribution in the absence of grave goods has involved the use of dolichocephalic cranial shape, such as in the case of pits F and V at Sutton Courtenay, Berkshire, containing, in the first pit, an adult female, child and infant, and in the second ten crania – mainly of adult males – with only a small quantity of postcrania. This attribution should be taken cautiously, and needs to be confirmed through direct dating of the remains . Greater uncertainty surrounds the interpretation of isolated human elements occasionally found during the excavation of non-monumental neolithic sites, or sites of later periods. Alcock, for instance, reports neolithic pits with human remains from the hilltop at Cadbury Castle, Somerset, one with a mandible and another with cranial fragments . There are a number of additional similar examples ; while some likely reflect intentional deposition, others may represent the disturbed remains of flat graves, or destroyed mortuary monuments. Given millennia of taphonomic processes, we should be wary of automatically assuming, as is often done, that isolated human remains recovered from a site must themselves be treated as invariably deriving from ‘special’ contexts. R i ver s Perhaps the most intriguing yet difficult context to interpret involves human remains found during the dredging of rivers and excavation of palaeochannels. These can only be assigned a Neolithic Age either on the basis of craniometrics , or, far preferable, through direct dating. The latter has resulted in the identification of one earlier neolithic cranium dredged from the River Thames at Battersea in a group that otherwise dates to the Bronze Age . A complete adult male cranium and a vault portion of another adult cranium from a palaeochannel of the Thames at Eton Rowing Course, Buckinghamshire, have been directly dated to the Earlier Neolithic and the Late Neolithic, respectively . The earlier neolithic specimen in particular is well preserved and does not appear river rolled. Construction activities near the docks in Newport, Monmouthshire, led to the recovery of two skulls purported to be of Neolithic Age . AMS determinations have since placed one in the Late Neolithic (c. – cal BC), while the other, though reportedly recovered at a depth of  m, is Romano-British, highlighting the need to directly date such specimens . Most striking are the results of a dating programme on a group of  human crania recovered during th century dredging of the Ribble River while construction of the Preston Docks, Lancashire. Of eight AMS determinations, four returned earlier Neolithic Ages, ranging from c.  to  cal BC , with a late neolithic individual at – cal BC . The condition of some, though not all, of these suggests that they were subjected to varying degrees of abrasion through rolling 28 29 30 31 32 33 T 1991, 113. D 1966 ; P 1929. P 1976. K 1979 Appendix 2. L 1923 ; 1934. Though there is some support for the validity of craniometrics in distinguishing British Neolithic and Bronze Age crania : B 1994. 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 A 1972. E. g., W 1978. B / G 1988. A et al. 2000 ; 2004. C 1961 ; K 1911. B 2000. T et al. 2002. Rick J. Schulting • Non-monumental burial in Britain 5 Fig. 1. Adult male ? Calvarium from Preston Docks, showing planar erosion of maxilla and base of cranium as a result of streambed erosion. Harris Museum and Art Gallery, Preston, 1997.70.21 (Photo : R. Schulting). along the river bed (Fig. ). More recently, the partial remains of at least twelve individuals were found in association with an apparent log jam on a palaeochannel at Langford on the River Trent ; direct C dating of one individual and dendro dating of the associated timbers suggest a Late Neolithic date for the collection. The excellent state of preservation and completeness of four crania, including three juveniles, with intact facial regions and delicate nasal bones, strongly suggests that these were not subjected to river rolling, as does the presence of a partially articulated human torso. But are these finds evidence for ‘river burial’, whether of complete bodies or, in some cases, detached heads, or are they the result of burials along riverbanks that have subsequently washed out, or accidental drownings ? The fact that the majority of finds are crania does not aid in differentiating these possibilities, as in either case the crania would become disassociated after decomposition, and, because of their round shape, would roll downriver to a point, such as a bend or a log jam, where they would become trapped . Making their interpretation even more difficult, depending on the distance covered, and the nature of the fluvial event, and whether fleshed or not, crania may or may not exhibit evidence of water rolling. The low-lying, floodplain location of many of the rivers in question means that the erosion of burials from river banks would not necessarily involve high energy events, and the deposition and subsequent burial of human remains in protective fine sediments have may occurred very rapidly. 41 42 G et al. 1997. Ibid, 32, Fig. 5. Berichte der RGK ,  43 Cf. G et al. 1997 ; K / C 1995 ; T et al. 2002. 6 Innovation and Continuity – Non-Megalithic Mortuary Practices in the Baltic C ave s Finally, it has long been known that many caves have yielded human remains, and that some of these were likely to be of Neolithic Age , but the full extent of this practice has only slowly become appreciated. The main obstacle to this realisation has been the open and hence disturbed nature of most cave deposits, and their multi-period use, so that it is very rarely possible to assign a date based on any artefactual associations. Chamberlain first drew attention to the number of directly C dated Neolithic humans from caves that had been accumulating for some years . The vast majority of these were ‘disappointments’ in terms of the research projects that funded the dates, since these were by and large intended to discover palaeolithic or mesolithic humans. Nevertheless, as more human bone from caves is directly AMS C dated, it is becoming increasingly clear that cave burial was a significant feature of earlier (and later) neolithic mortuary practice (Fig. ). Some  individuals across Britain have been directly dated to the Neolithic, and, if associated remains are often of approximately the same age, there are more than  individuals represented . Some caves have yielded only a single individual, indeed sometimes only a single element, though it is usually not clear whether this is a result of cursory examination – a number of such finds were made by cavers investigating new passages  – or is the original condition. Other caves, often designated as ‘ossuary caves’, hold the remains of ten or more individuals : examples include Little Hoyle, Gop Cave, and Perthi Chwarae in Wales  ; Hay Wood Cave and New Park Quarry in south-western England  ; Calling Dale Low, Dowel and Elbolton Caves in northern England  ; and Raschoille Cave in western Scotland . However, the neolithic attribution of all individuals at these sites is far from certain. It is supported most strongly for Little Hoyle, Gop, and most especially Raschoille, all of which have multiple AMS dates, though these range considerably within this period. Fig. 2. 14C dated humans from cave sites in Britain, 10000–2000 BP (n=130). 44 45 46 47 E. g., B D 1874 ; G 1989 ; K 1979. C 1996 ; 1997. Cf. C 1997 ; C / W 1999 ; 2000a ; 2000b. D 1989 a ; b. 48 49 50 51 B D 1874 ; B D / B 1870 ; G et al. 1986. E / E 1972 ; P 1928. G 1973 ; 1989. B 1999 ; P 1990. Rick J. Schulting • Non-monumental burial in Britain 7 Fig. 3. Fissure containing human remains at Ifton Quarry, Monmouthshire, South Wales (from Arch. Cambrensis, Ser. 6, 9, 1909, 115). It should be noted that the remains are rarely ‘buried’ in the sense of being placed in a pit in the ground (though the term will continue to be employed here for convenience). Rather, as is indeed the case in the great majority of long barrows and chambered tombs, bodies are laid directly on the ground, or placed within crevices or fissures. It is not always clear that deposition is intentional, as in some cases human remains may have washed into caves and crevices, perhaps from burials placed near them. But, that being said, in the great majority of cases an interpretation of intentional deposition does appear to be justified, though their initial condition – whether articulated or secondary – is difficult to judge. In some cases, at least, the deposition of defleshed skeletal elements does seem to be indicated, such as the crania and longbones at Ifton Quarry, Monmouthshire , placed deep in a narrow crevice in which it would be difficult to position fleshed bodies, though there is an issue over the exact position in which the remains were originally found (Fig. ). Two femora here have been dated to the Late Neolithic . A number of sites in northern England, such as Dowel Cave, Derbyshire and King Alfrid’s Cave, Yorkshire, yielded disarticulated human remains that have been attributed to the Neolithic (though not directly dated) ; in these two cases it has been suggested that earlier interments were pushed aside to make room for new additions, 52 K 1911. Berichte der RGK ,  53 S / R in prep. 8 Innovation and Continuity – Non-Megalithic Mortuary Practices in the Baltic recalling practices from mortuary monuments . Sufficient detail is provided for King Alfrid’s Cave to support this interpretation, in that numerous small bones of the hands and feet were recovered . This is less clear at Dowel Cave, where, from the brief report that is available, it seems that there are too few postcranial elements in relation to the crania , leading Gilks to infer the interment of both intact corpses – as some articulated elements were also found – and selected skeletonised elements, with an emphasis on ‘skulls’ and longbones . Striking is that neolithic cave burial in Britain does not appear in any way to represent a continuation of mesolithic practices. While caves were indeed used for the deposition of human remains in the Mesolithic, the vast majority fall in the earlier part of this period, leaving a gap of nearly two millennia between the latest Mesolithic dates directly on human bone from caves and the earliest Neolithic dates (Fig. ). The very few exceptions include a single human tooth from Foxhole Cave, Glamorgan, dated to – cal BC , and a human tibia dating to –  cal BC from another Fox Hole Cave, this time in Derbyshire. This pattern was noted by Chamberlain, and further work has only served to strengthen it , such that it seems very unlikely that it can be attributed to sampling error. This serves at the same time to put to rest any notion that cave burial, preceding the use of monuments, may have been a source of inspiration for the latter ; if anything, the relationship is likely to be the other way around . A possible alternative view, however, is that people in the Neolithic became aware of cave burial through encountering mesolithic human remains in their own use and exploration of caves. This is an idea that may warrant further consideration, though the fact that mesolithic and neolithic human remains are rarely found in the same caves does not lend support to this scenario. Accounting for the variability Having given some indication of the range of mortuary practices found in the earlier Neolithic of Britain, how is this variability to be explained ? The first possibility to be considered and discounted is that it is diachronic : the available dates provide no evidence for this, though in general the use of caves may extend later into the Neolithic than the use of mortuary monuments. The possibility of regional variation is more difficult to address, as some practices are inherently constrained by the presence of suitable landforms, most obviously caves and rivers. Nevertheless, it is reasonably clear that the use of caves and of mortuary monuments overlap both chronologically and spatially in a number of regions (e. g. southern Wales, western Scotland, northern England), as discussed in more detail below. One obvious and potentially fruitful line of inquiry involves a comparison of the demographic profiles of the populations found in the different contexts. It was already noted above, for example, that causewayed enclosures tend to have a higher proportion of children compared with many long barrows and chambered tombs. There is in addition some indication that children are similarly better represented in caves , though such conclusions can be problematic, as they generally rely on the neolithic attribution of entire assemblages on the basis of ‘associated’ finds, cranial morphology, or, at best, C dates on a subset of individuals, indeed sometimes only a single individual, 54 55 56 57 58 59 B 1959 ; L / L 1959. L / L 1959. B 1959. G 1989, 14. P 2000. C 2001. 60 61 62 63 64 C 1996 ; 1997 ; see also B 2005 for a wider discussion of this hiatus. E. g. S / R 2002a ; b. Cf. B / E 2002. Cf. G 1989. C 1997. Rick J. Schulting • Non-monumental burial in Britain 9 as at Hay Wood Cave, Somerset . At present it is simply not possible to adequately compare the demographic profiles for caves and monuments, as too much of the necessary data either do not exist or are unreliable. This material urgently needs systematic re-examination, and, while much progress has been made in recent years , the kind of broad comparison required here is still some way off. If any demographic biases can be identified, they will undoubtedly be subtle ones, based on relatively small, but potentially still meaningful, differences in proportions, since adult males and females, and children are represented at all site types. The above discussion treats the various alternative burial places as though they were discrete and mutually exclusive. This may not necessarily be the case. Considering first burials in monuments, it has long been noted that many sites have either too few or too many crania in relation to postcrania. West Kennet long barrow, for example, has too few crania, while the nearby and at least partly contemporary causewayed enclosure of Windmill Hill has a surfeit of human crania relative to postcrania. This has been used to suggest the circulation of human skeletal elements, and in particular crania. This idea, though oft-repeated, seems overstated in this particular case : the human bone assemblage at Windmill Hill is so small  that any such link must be considered as very tenuous. Another potentially relevant practice is that of excarnation, the significance of which during the Neolithic has long been debated . A related possibility involves secondary burial, i. e., the removal of skeletal material from a primary burial context into a secondary context. This could entail initial surface exposure, or burial in a flat grave, or perhaps a cave, followed by collection of some or all of the elements and subsequent placement into a mortuary monument. The possible marker post at Handley mentioned above would facilitate such retrieval (and the skeleton here was itself partially disarticulated). This scenario is supported by the frequent underrepresentation in mortuary monuments of the small bones of the hands and feet, which would be easily missed – and perhaps considered of less significance – when material was gathered up from the primary excarnation or burial location. King has suggested that the variety of funerary treatments in the British Neolithic can be attributable to a mobile, dispersed settlement system . At the same time, many mortuary monuments appear to themselves show sequential stages of burial, with bodies initially placed near the entrance, and then pushed further back and rearranged as they decompose and new bodies were added . In some cases cut marks seem to indicate that the process was occasionally assisted by intentional disarticulation . What is noteworthy is that all of the ‘burial’ contexts discussed above, with the possible exception of river finds, include both articulated and disarticulated human remains, often emphasising the deposition of crania (in rivers this may be largely a taphonomic phenomenon). Monumental burial contexts are not privileged in this regard ; crania are also disproportionately represented at a number of cave sites, including Ifton, Dowel and Raschoille (though with earlier finds there is always the issue of collection bias), as well as in one of the Sutton Courtenay pits (assuming their neolithic attribution is correct), and at Cadbury. There are other points of similarity, most notably between monuments and caves. The corpse, or skeleton, went through some of the same processes at both types of sites. While the evidence is 65 66 67 68 69 E / E 1972 ; H et al. 1997. E. g. MK forthcoming ; W / W 2000. P 1962 ; R 1988 ; S 1965 ; T 1984 ; 1996. P 1962, 68 ; S 1965, 137. Two child burials and 27 scattered bone fragments representing an estimated seven individuals : B 1965. Berichte der RGK ,  70 71 72 73 B / C 1978 ; C 1977 ; C 1925 ; see discussion in D 2004, 146–153. K 2001 ; 2003. B / R 2006 ; S 1990 ; W / W 1998. B 1999 ; S / B 2004. 10 Innovation and Continuity – Non-Megalithic Mortuary Practices in the Baltic Fig. 4. Gop Caves, Flintshire, North Wales, viewed from below. The massive Gop cairn, believed to be a contemporary Neolithic monument, rises in the background behind the ridge. (Photo : R. Schulting). not always unambiguous, it is possible to state that at least some cave and rock shelter sites saw the deposition of disarticulated human remains. It is unlikely that the narrow crevice at Ifton Quarry could have held fully fleshed bodies, and at King Alfrid’s Cave disarticulated human bones “were closely packed into small natural alcoves on each side of the cave” . At Dowel Cave a “peculiar concentration” of seven “skulls” was found, “mostly lying under the shelter of the cave wall and usually in part enclosed by a curb of small stones” . Longbones at the site had been stacked up into a ‘convenient parcel’, a practice mirrored in a number of mortuary monuments. And, as seen in some formal monuments, cutmarks in positions indicating disarticulation, in this case removal of the lower legs, were found on a skeleton from Carsington Pasture Cave, Derbyshire, directly dated to the Late Neolithic / Beaker Period . The remains of more than  individuals of both sexes and varying ages, with all parts of the skeleton reportedly represented, were recovered from Gop Cave, Flintshire . Some individuals were more articulated than others, again suggesting successive burial, with earlier skeletons shifted aside to make room for new interments. Possible grave goods include two jet ‘belt sliders’ and Middle Neolithic Peterborough ware – this attribution is confirmed by AMS dates on the human remains . Most intriguingly, the majority of the remains were contained within a rectangular burial chamber constructed using limestone slabs, abutting the cave wall. This is somewhat reminiscent of Dowel Cave, though here two transverse slabs separated particular interments. The construction of internal partitions and chambers within caves again blurs the distinction between ‘natural’ and ‘built’ places, and invites comparisons with the internal arrangement of chambered tombs . 74 75 76 77 78 L / L 1959, 25. B 1959, 104. C 2001. B D 1901 ; V / J 1970. S / G 2008. 79 80 B 1959, 105. Though B / E 2002 argue for a closer affinity with sealed cists of the Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age. Rick J. Schulting • Non-monumental burial in Britain 11 Fig. 5. Gop Caves, entrances (Photo : R. Schulting). What is perhaps even more striking, though admittedly at the same time more speculative, is how a small number of caves appear to mimic the form of chambered tombs. Gop Cave provides a good example (Figs  –). When viewed from below, the chalk ridge in which the cave entrances are found takes the appearance of a long low mound, typical of the false-crested locations of many monuments, with the caves bearing a distinct resemblance to the lateral chambers of chambered tombs. Of course, this depends on the nature of the vegetation around the cave mouths, but then this also applies to discussions of the appearance of monuments . Any modifications around the mouths of the caves – such as widening chambers for example – or activities carried out just outside, could enhance their visibility by exposing the light-coloured limestone. Little Hoyle Cave, Carmarthenshire, which also contained a considerable quantity of earlier neolithic human remains, presents a similar appearance, with three entrances opening out of a limestone cliff face . Thus, rather than being hidden places , at least some caves and rock shelters may have been selected because of their very conspicuousness in the landscape. One possible explanation for the use of different burial places relates to differential status relationships. The underlying bases on which such distinctions might be made in the British Neolithic need not overly concern us at present, but could entail economic, political or ideological considerations, or, more likely, a combination of all three. Monumental mortuary contexts involve varying but often considerable amounts of labour investment for their initial construction. After this, of course, they are present in the landscape ostensibly in the same way as natural features such as caves, but this ignores claims of legitimacy and ownership often ascribed to built places (and to ‘natural’ places for that matter). More important for present purposes are the results of an extensive recent dating programme and the application of Bayesian modelling, which suggest that 81 82 83 C / G 2000. G et al. 1986, Plate 8. B / E 2002. Berichte der RGK ,  84 85 S / B 1981. B / E 2002 ; B 1998 ; 2000. 12 Innovation and Continuity – Non-Megalithic Mortuary Practices in the Baltic mortuary monuments in southern Britain at least, were frequently built and used over very short spans of (archaeological) time, often of less than a century . Thus the contrast between monuments as built places requiring labour, and caves as found places, can arguably be sustained. One plausible hypothesis, then (though certainly not the only one), might be that those whose remains were deposited in flat graves and in caves were of lower social standing in some respect, and did not meet the requirements for inclusion in a monument. This is not a new idea, as it has long been clear that neolithic monuments can only hold a subset of the population, but the discussion has not progressed much beyond noting this. It is practically impossible to investigate this hypothesis through recourse to an analysis of grave goods, as these are relatively infrequent in all mortuary contexts in the British Neolithic, consisting of modest quantities of pottery, worked flint and faunal remains. Another approach, explored briefly here, involves the use of stable isotope analysis to compare aspects of the average long-term diets (over c. ten years) of those interred in mortuary monuments and caves. The reasoning is that those interred in monuments may have had privileged access to novel resources, i. e., domesticated plants and animals, while those excluded from such contexts may have made greater use of ‘traditional’ wild resources. Near the coast, this might include the use of marine foods. Stable carbon isotopes (dC) are particularly useful for identifying the inclusion of marine protein in human diets, as to a lesser extent is stable nitrogen (dN). A second possibility is that those interred in monuments would have greater access to animal protein (meat and milk products), which would be expected to be reflected in elevated dN values. The Gower peninsula in Glamorgan, South Wales, presents a particularly useful case study, as data are available from Parc le Breos Cwm, a classic Cotswold-Severn chambered tomb, and a series of surrounding cave sites. The most immediately relevant comparison is with Cathole Cave , located only a few tens of metres from the chambered tomb ; indeed the sites are intervisible (Fig. ). AMS dating of a human mandible from Cathole to – cal BC (OxA- : ± BP) demonstrates that both sites were used for burial in the mid-fourth millennium BC . A comparison of dC and dN values shows that individuals buried in the cave had similar dC values, but on average lower dN values, potentially indicating lower consumption of animal protein (Table ). The difference is not great, however, and in fact fails to reach statistical significance due to the high variance seen in the three Cathole measurements (Student’s t test with unequal variance, t =., p =.). But including data from other cave sites on the Gower (Foxhole Cave, Pitton Cliff, Spurge Hole) and elsewhere in South Wales (Caldey Island, Little Hoyle Cave, Ogof Garreg Hir, Priory Farm Cave, Red Fescue Hole) suggests that there is indeed a slight but significant difference in dN between the cave sites and Parc le Breos Cwm chambered tomb (Student’s t test with unequal variance, t =., p=.) (Tab.  ; Fig. ), owing mainly to lower values seen at Little Hoyle Cave Site d13C ± n d15N ± n Parc le Breos Cwm Cathole -20.5 -20.8 0.95 0.07 10 3 9.6 8.0 0.43 0.97 10 3 South Wales caves -20.6 0.43 23 8.8 0.84 21 North Wales caves -20.0 0.46 7 9.9 0.71 5 source Richards 1998 Schultingª/ªRichards in prep. Schultingª/ªRichards 2002a; Schultingª/ªRichards in prep. Schultingª/ªGonzalez in press; Schultingª/ªRichards in prep. Table 1. Summary of C and N stable isotope values on human bone collagen from Parc le Breos Cwm chambered tomb and cave sites in South and North Wales. 86 87 88 W et al. 2007. A 1968 ; H 1812, 87 ; K 1975 ; though see B / R 2006. C et al. 1982 ; DN / E 1978 ; 1981. 89 90 91 D 1937. C 1977. S / R in prep. ; W / W 1998. Rick J. Schulting • Non-monumental burial in Britain 13 Fig. 6. View from just below Cathole Cave, looking towards Parc le Breos Cwm chambered tomb, Glamorgan, South Wales (Photo : R. Schulting). Fig. 7. Bivariate plot of C and N stable isotope values on human bone collagen from Parc le Breos Cwm chambered tomb and various cave sites in South and North Wales. (stable nitrogen isotope values from caves in North Wales are higher, and this warrants further investigation) Again, there is no significant difference in dC values. This finding is important, since all these sites are less than  km from the coast, and so would have had easy access to the sea. Berichte der RGK ,  14 Innovation and Continuity – Non-Megalithic Mortuary Practices in the Baltic While some individuals do suggest a minor contribution of marine protein (on the order of perhaps  %), there is no distinction to be made between monumental and cave contexts in this regard. By contrast, in the Mesolithic, substantial use was made of marine resources on nearby Caldey Island, Pembrokeshire . Thus, there is at present an intriguing hint of isotopically distinct diets for those interred in mortuary monuments and those interred in caves, with those in at least some caves showing lower dN values. Whether this is due to a greater proportion of plant foods in their diets, or to even less consumption of marine resources is not yet clear : the absence of a corresponding difference in dC values seems to suggest the former. This is work in progress, and the results reported here are preliminary. Further research is required both to confirm and expand this observation, and to look at other dietary and health indicators. Abstract While long barrows and chambered tombs have long received most of the attention of British neolithic archaeologists investigating mortuary practices, it is clear that there were a variety of different depositional contexts for the remains of the dead at this time. Other kinds of monuments, and in particular causewayed enclosures, seem to have played an important role in funerary behaviour. But other, less immediately recognisable places also feature. More flat graves are being identified through the application of AMS dating to burials lacking diagnostic grave goods. A number of human remains recovered from river contexts have also been shown in recent years to fall within the Neolithic Period, raising the possibility in some instances of river ‘burial’. But, at least quantitatively, the most important alternative burial location to monuments is without question deposition in caves. Again, it is the increasingly routine use of AMS dating that is raising awareness of the number of neolithic human remains from caves. In many cases there appear to be parallels in how the skeleton is treated in caves and monuments, such as the deposition of both articulated and disarticulated remains, and the manipulation of skeletal elements. The significance of these different burial locations remains poorly understood, but there are some clear lines of inquiry that can be explored. Foremost is the need to document the full extent of cave burial in the Neolithic through the instigation of systematic dating programmes. This can then provide the basis for a comparison of the demographic and health profiles of groups interred in caves and in monuments. Preliminary stable isotope results from South Wales suggest that the long-term diets of individuals differed significantly between these two burial contexts, intimating the existence of considerable socioeconomic differentiation in neolithic Britain. 92 S 2004 ; S / R 2002a. Rick J. Schulting • Non-monumental burial in Britain 15 Zusammenfassung Bei der Erforschung neolithischer Bestattungssitten stehen die Langhügel und Kammergräber seit langem im Mittelpunkt. Jedoch ist offensichtlich in ihnen nur ein Teil der neolithischen Population bestattet worden. Weitere Monumente, die im Kontext des Bestattungswesens Bedeutung besitzen, sind neolithische Erdwerke. Jedoch besitzen andere, weniger auffällige, Fundgruppen ebenfalls Bedeutung. Beispielsweise ließen sich einige Flachgräber, ohne diagnostische Grabbeigaben, erst durch die Anwendung von AMS -Daten ins Neolithikum datieren. Eine Zahl von menschlichen Knochenfunden aus dem Kontext von Flüssen, läßt sich nach Ergebnissen der zurückliegenden Jahre, ins Neolithikum datieren und spricht für die Annahme, dass in dieser Periode auch „Flussbestattungen“ vorgenommen wurden. Die wichtigste „nichtmonumentale“ Fundart stellen Deponierungen von menschlichen Knochen in Höhlen dar. Auch in diesem Fall waren es AMS -Daten die zeigten, dass Deponierungen in den Höhlen auch neolithischen Alters sein können. In einigen Fällen zeigten sich Parallelen bei der Behandlung der Skelette in Höhlen und Grabmonumenten, wie die Deponierung von zerbrochenen oder unversehrten Knochen und die Manipulation von Skelettteilen. Die Deutung der verschiedenen Deponierungen bleibt weitgehend im Dunkeln aber es zeigen sich einige Ermittlungsansätze. Vor allem ist es erforderlich die neolithischen Höhlenbestattungen systematisch in großem Umfang zu datieren. Ein derartiges Programm könnte die Grundlage eines Vergleiches der demographischen und Gesundheitsparameter der in Höhlen und Monumenten Bestatteten bilden. Erste Untersuchungen von stabilen Isotopen aus Südwales, zeigen, dass die Ernährungsgrundlagen von in Höhlen und Monumenten Bestatteten deutlich verschieden war, was als Hinweis auf sozioökonmische Unterschiede im britischen Neolithikum gewertet werden kann. Berichte der RGK ,  16 Innovation and Continuity – Non-Megalithic Mortuary Practices in the Baltic Résumé Les tumulus allongés et les tombes à chambres ont déjà retenu depuis longtemps l’attention des archéologues britanniques étudiant les pratiques funéraires du Néolithique. Il est cependant bien établi que d’autres types de sépultures existaient à cette époque, en particulier les enclos à fossé interrompu qui semblent avoir occupé une place importante dans les traditions funéraires. Mais d’autres structures, moins apparentes, méritent également notre attention. Grâce aux datations AMS, on peut identifier un nombre croissant de tombes plates dénuées d’offrandes funéraires diagnostiques. Un certain nombre de restes humains provenant de contextes fluviaux remontent finalement au Néolithique, soulevant l’éventuelle existence de sépultures ‘fluviales’. Mais, au niveau quantitatif, ce sont indubitablement les grottes qui offrent l’alternative la plus importante aux monuments funéraires. Ici encore, ce sont les datations AMS qui permettent de saisir l’importance numérique des restes humains néolithiques trouvés dans des grottes. Apparemment, les squelettes ont été parfois traités de façon similaire dans les grottes et les monuments funéraires : dépôt de restes humains en position anatomique ou désarticulée, manipulation d’éléments du squelette. On ne comprend pas encore la raison de ces différents sites funéraires, mais plusieurs axes de recherche s’offrent déjà. Il importe tout d’abord de dater systématiquement l’ensemble des sépultures en grottes du Néolithique. Un tel programme pourra servir de base à une comparaison des profils démographiques et de santé de groupes enterrés dans des grottes et des monuments. Des analyses préliminaires d’isotopes stables du sud du Pays de Galle indiquent que les habitudes alimentaires individuelles de ces deux grands groupes étaient fort distinctes, suggérant l’existence de différences socioéconomiques considérables en Grande-Bretagne durant le Néolithique. Acknowledgements I would like to thank the organisers of the conference for hosting a most enjoyable meeting. Thanks also to Joanna Ostapkowicz for critical comments on the paper. Literaturverzeichnis 17 Bibliography A 1972 L. A, “By South Cadbury is that Camelot...” The excavation of Cadbury Castle 1966 –1970 (London 1972). A et al. 2000 T. A / P. H / A. B, Eton Rowing Course at Dorney Lake. The burial traditions. 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